Au nom du Tout Mis\u00e9ricordieux,
Cela fait trois mois que je suis incarc\u00e9r\u00e9 \u00e0 la prison de la Sant\u00e9 \u00e0 Paris, sous \u00e9crou extraditionnel, suite \u00e0 un mandat d\u2019arr\u00eat \u00e9mis par le pouvoir alg\u00e9rien. Lors de l\u2019audience du 21 mars 2012 devant la Chambre d\u2019instruction du tribunal de grande instance de Paris, il est clairement apparu, de l\u2019aveu m\u00eame du procureur, que la demande d\u2019extradition et les accusations qu\u2019elle porte \u00e0 mon encontre souffraient d\u2019incoh\u00e9rences av\u00e9r\u00e9es sur le plan du droit. Les faits reproch\u00e9s ne sont pas circonstanci\u00e9s. En effet, et comme je l\u2019ai d\u00e9clar\u00e9 lors de l\u2019audience, je ne sais toujours pas quels sont les faits qui me sont reproch\u00e9s, ainsi que les lieux et dates de leur commission, \u00e9l\u00e9ments indispensables \u00e0 la qualification d\u2019un crime passible d\u2019\u00eatre puni par la loi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Je rajouterais aussi que ceci d\u00e9montre que toute la proc\u00e9dure n\u2019est que maquillage juridique d\u2019une affaire politique. La chambre d\u2019instruction a n\u00e9anmoins d\u00e9cid\u00e9 le 4 avril 2012 d\u2019accorder un d\u00e9lai de deux mois aux autorit\u00e9s alg\u00e9riennes pour qu\u2019elles pr\u00e9sentent un compl\u00e9ment d\u2019informations. Il faudra comprendre par ceci une injonction du genre \u00ab veuillez nous envoyer un dossier qui tient la route sur le plan du droit \u00bb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Je me rends compte aussi \u2013 et je l\u2019ai dit lors de l\u2019audience \u2013 que tout est fait pour rendre la plus longue possible ma d\u00e9tention \u00e0 Paris. Cela pourrait m\u00eame \u00eatre le but recherch\u00e9 par ceux qui \u00e0 Alger pilotent cette demande d\u2019extradition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
La France est notoirement reconnue comme \u00e9tant un Etat de droit. Cependant la conjoncture dans laquelle se passe ma d\u00e9tention \u00e0 Paris suscite quelques interrogations. En effet, je me trouve en France dans une atmosph\u00e8re marqu\u00e9es par :<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1) la comm\u00e9moration du 50\u00e8me anniversaire des accords d\u2019Evian ;
2) la campagne pour les \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles fran\u00e7aises ;
3) les assassinats \u00e0 Toulouse et leur instrumentalisation concernant la place de l\u2019Islam en France.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Les deux derniers points, surtout dans la mesure o\u00f9 ils se sont imbriqu\u00e9s dans un magma d\u2019amalgames et de manipulations que d\u2019aucuns parmi les hommes politiques fran\u00e7ais n\u2019ont pas h\u00e9sit\u00e9 de qualifier de naus\u00e9abond, montrent qu\u2019il y a bien des \u00ab vases communicants \u00bb entre les divers pouvoirs, cens\u00e9s \u00eatre ind\u00e9pendants dans une d\u00e9mocratie. Ce constat est d\u2019autant plus vrai lorsque sont abord\u00e9es les relations alg\u00e9ro-fran\u00e7aises. Celles-ci restent \u00e0 ce jour domin\u00e9es tant\u00f4t par les collusions et les \u00ab affaires \u00bb, tant\u00f4t par la m\u00e9fiance, les infiltrations et les manipulations, et parfois m\u00eame par la vassalit\u00e9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
La fa\u00e7on dont a \u00e9t\u00e9 comm\u00e9mor\u00e9 l\u2019anniversaire des accords d\u2019Evian du 18 mars 1962 montre que des deux c\u00f4t\u00e9s de la M\u00e9diterran\u00e9e on en est encore \u00e0 la dissimulation, au d\u00e9ni ou carr\u00e9ment \u00e0 la falsification de l\u2019histoire.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pour moi, qui fait partie d\u2019une g\u00e9n\u00e9ration qui n\u2019a connu, Dieu merci, qu\u2019une Alg\u00e9rie ind\u00e9pendante, cet \u00e9v\u00e8nement me rappelle les similitudes entre la guerre 1954-1962 et celle des ann\u00e9es 1990. La torture, les disparitions, les massacres, les camps de concentration, les infiltrations et crimes dans le cadre de la guerre contre-insurrectionnelle, les l\u00e9gislations d\u2019exception, la \u00ab pacification \u00bb, les milices, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ceux qui ont pris le pouvoir en \u00e9t\u00e9 1962 en Alg\u00e9rie se sont impos\u00e9s par la force des armes, contre leurs propres fr\u00e8res de lutte, et n\u2019ont dans leur majorit\u00e9 jamais combattu l\u2019arm\u00e9e coloniale. En 1992, c\u2019est aussi par la force des armes que des Alg\u00e9riens ont bafou\u00e9 le r\u00e9sultat des urnes. Ferhat Abbas n\u2019a pas h\u00e9sit\u00e9 \u00e0 \u00e9voquer \u00ab l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance confisqu\u00e9e \u00bb (1) et il convient de se poser encore aujourd\u2019hui la question de savoir dans quelle mesure le peuple alg\u00e9rien jouit \u2013 et jouira demain \u2013 de la vraie libert\u00e9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Je rappelle ces faits car certains, en parlant de la crise des ann\u00e9es 1990, ont pr\u00e9conis\u00e9 de \u00ab tourner la page \u00bb et d\u2019agr\u00e9er la charte de 2006, dite de r\u00e9conciliation nationale, comme rem\u00e8de aux horreurs v\u00e9cues. Les d\u00e9chirements, injustices et questionnements sur la p\u00e9riode 1830-1962 nous hantent toujours et influent encore sur notre quotidien ainsi que sur notre s\u00e9curit\u00e9 int\u00e9rieure et ext\u00e9rieure. Comment alors oublier 1992 tandis que 1962 fa\u00e7onne encore notre pr\u00e9sent ?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ce sont ces consid\u00e9rations historiques, \u00e9thiques et politiques qui sous-tendent mon combat non-violent pour un vrai changement dans mon pays et c\u2019est bien ce combat qui d\u00e9range aujourd\u2019hui le pouvoir alg\u00e9rien. Il est aussi la cause de ma d\u00e9tention actuelle en France. La privation de libert\u00e9 n\u2019est jamais agr\u00e9able \u00e0 vivre mais elle me rappelle aussi que des milliers de mes concitoyens ont eu \u00e0 payer un prix beaucoup plus lourd que moi. N\u2019oublions jamais d\u2019honorer la m\u00e9moire de tous les Alg\u00e9riens et Alg\u00e9riennes massacr\u00e9s, ex\u00e9cut\u00e9s, tortur\u00e9s, disparus ou d\u00e9tenus arbitrairement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
De nombreux r\u00e9cits et t\u00e9moignages existent sur les prisons. Ils d\u00e9crivent souvent les conditions difficiles, parfois inhumaines, que vivent les d\u00e9tenus. D\u2019autres nous les pr\u00e9sentent comme des lieux de solitude et de r\u00e9flexion ou m\u00eame des \u00e9coles. Je ne suis dans mon cas, Dieu merci, pas soumis \u00e0 des traitements inhumains, mais tout est fait pour rappeler \u00e0 tout moment qu\u2019on est soumis \u00e0 une stricte application de la privation de libert\u00e9. L\u00e0 o\u00f9 je suis, il est difficile de trouver du temps pour le recueillement, la r\u00e9flexion ou la production intellectuelle. La promiscuit\u00e9 (quatre personnes dans une cellule de 10m2), les diverses proc\u00e9dures pour les choses les plus banales (douche, repas, promenade, visite, etc.) confinent le d\u00e9tenu que je suis dans un monde contraint.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Certains ont affirm\u00e9 que je n\u2019aurais jamais d\u00fb venir en France car mon arrestation \u00e9tait pr\u00e9visible vu les \u00ab sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9s \u00bb des relations alg\u00e9ro-fran\u00e7aises. Je dirais deux choses \u00e0 ce sujet. La premi\u00e8re est que le mandat d\u2019arr\u00eat alg\u00e9rien a \u00e9t\u00e9 ignor\u00e9 par plusieurs pays, car il \u00e9tait incoh\u00e9rent sur le plan du droit et avait clairement des buts politiques. La seconde est que je savais de source s\u00fbre que la justice fran\u00e7aise avait d\u00e9cid\u00e9, suite \u00e0 des rappels r\u00e9cents du pouvoir alg\u00e9rien, de proc\u00e9der \u00e0 mon arrestation. La d\u00e9cision que j\u2019ai alors prise \u00e9tait que je ne c\u00e9derai rien de ma libert\u00e9 d\u2019action, dans la l\u00e9galit\u00e9 et la transparence, m\u00eame si ceci me ferait courir le risque d\u2019une arrestation en France.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Je me suis rendu en France par route \u00e0 trois ou quatre reprises en 2011. Je n\u2019ai jamais cherch\u00e9 \u00e0 me dissimuler et lors de mon arrestation en janvier 2012 \u00e0 l\u2019a\u00e9roport d\u2019Orly, je voyageais encore une fois en toute transparence. Je dois cependant reconnaitre que je ne m\u2019attendais pas \u00e0 un tel z\u00e8le de la part de la justice fran\u00e7aise. Je n\u2019irais pas jusqu\u2019\u00e0 dire que cette derni\u00e8re a bafou\u00e9 le droit, mais j\u2019observe qu\u2019elle utilise toutes les voies pour prolonger au maximum ma d\u00e9tention. Malgr\u00e9 cette situation je ne regrette rien et je pense qu\u2019il fallait \u00ab crever l\u2019abc\u00e8s \u00bb. Ceci est une \u00e9tape dans le conflit politique qui m\u2019oppose au r\u00e9gime alg\u00e9rien et il n\u2019est pas \u00e9tonnant qu\u2019elle se d\u00e9roule en France. Cette \u00e9tape permettra de d\u00e9montrer une nouvelle fois l\u2019instrumentalisation du droit par ce r\u00e9gime qui, comme toute dictature, s\u2019est employ\u00e9 \u00e0 pers\u00e9cuter, \u00e9liminer et surtout salir ses opposants. Je suis de fa\u00e7on r\u00e9currente accus\u00e9 par les services alg\u00e9riens et leurs sbires de \u00ab terrorisme \u00bb et je sais que certains finissent \u00e0 force d\u2019entendre ces accusations par se demander, de toute bonne foi, s\u2019il n\u2019y a pas quand m\u00eame une part de v\u00e9rit\u00e9 dans ces accusations. Ceci ne m\u2019importune point car je consid\u00e8re que toute personne publique doit accepter de rendre compte de ses actes et paroles.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Le terme \u00ab terrorisme \u00bb a, en Alg\u00e9rie, une d\u00e9finition politique et non juridique. Le Code p\u00e9nal alg\u00e9rien en vigueur, notamment son article 87bis, suffit \u00e0 le prouver. Devant une juridiction alg\u00e9rienne tout opposant peut \u00eatre condamn\u00e9 pour terrorisme en vertu de cet article qui s\u2019apparente donc \u00e0 un \u00ab fourre-tout \u00bb. La justice alg\u00e9rienne est aux ordres et il est de mon devoir de ne pas me taire face \u00e0 cette d\u00e9rive, car \u0153uvrer pour un Etat de droit constitue la pierre angulaire de mon combat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Je dois aussi dire, sans ambigu\u00eft\u00e9, que je condamne sans r\u00e9serve tout terrorisme, dans sa d\u00e9finition juridique, et qui viserait notamment \u00e0 s\u2019attaquer \u00e0 des civils, \u00e0 imposer un ordre politique par la force ou \u00e0 menacer les institutions d\u00e9mocratiques d\u2019un pays. L\u2019Alg\u00e9rie a certainement souffert, \u00e0 grande \u00e9chelle, de tels crimes sur lesquels il faudra faire toute la lumi\u00e8re et c\u2019est ce \u00e0 quoi j\u2019appelle avec force alors que le pouvoir actuel veut imposer l\u2019amn\u00e9sie. L\u2019Histoire montre que de tels drames ne peuvent \u00eatre occult\u00e9s \u00e0 jamais. Il a fallu attendre 1999 pour que la France reconnaisse la \u00ab Guerre d\u2019Alg\u00e9rie \u00bb de 1954-1962, alors qu\u2019elle la pr\u00e9sentait auparavant comme une op\u00e9ration de maintien de l\u2019ordre traitant ainsi les maquisards alg\u00e9riens de maudits fellaghas, terroristes ou barbares. Mon p\u00e8re qui a combattu pour l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance de son pays \u00e9tait un terroriste pour le colonisateur. Certains diront qu\u2019il est trop t\u00f4t pour rouvrir les plaies de la crise alg\u00e9rienne des ann\u00e9es 1990. Je ne partage pas cet avis et je reste convaincu qu\u2019il est possible, avec une r\u00e9elle volont\u00e9 politique de changement, de solder cette p\u00e9riode avec \u00e9quit\u00e9 et sans esprit de vengeance. Ceci est indispensable pour permettre \u00e0 l\u2019Alg\u00e9rie de repartir sur des bases saines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Qu\u2019on ne s\u2019y trompe pas : la crise des ann\u00e9es 1990, sous tous ses aspects, hante toujours l\u2019Alg\u00e9rie et fa\u00e7onne encore la nature du pouvoir en place. L\u2019alternative impos\u00e9e par le pouvoir et incluant, entre autres, la charte dite de r\u00e9conciliation nationale, ne peut \u00eatre accept\u00e9e ni dans le fond ni dans la forme. J\u2019ai d\u00e9j\u00e0 eu l\u2019occasion avec d\u2019autres d\u2019expliquer pourquoi elle doit \u00eatre rejet\u00e9e (2). Je mentionnerai au passage que j\u2019ai \u00e9t\u00e9 invit\u00e9 par des \u00e9missaires du r\u00e9gime alg\u00e9rien \u00e0 \u00ab r\u00e9gler mon cas \u00bb en adh\u00e9rant \u00e0 la dite charte en contrepartie d\u2019une amnistie. J\u2019ai s\u00e8chement refus\u00e9 cette offre. Il aurait \u00e9t\u00e9 ind\u00e9cent pour moi de rejeter la charte sur le principe et l\u2019accepter pour \u00ab r\u00e9gler mon cas \u00bb. Le fait d\u2019avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 condamn\u00e9 par une justice aux ordres m\u2019honore et je ne m\u2019abaisserai jamais devant la tyrannie car j\u2019ai choisi la voie de la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 et l\u2019amour de mon pays.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
L\u2019origine de la violence en Alg\u00e9rie est intimement li\u00e9e au coup d\u2019Etat de 1992 et \u00e0 la r\u00e9pression qui s\u2019ensuivit. Beaucoup ont \u00e9t\u00e9 contraints \u00e0 prendre les armes contre un pouvoir qui a bafou\u00e9 leurs droits et qui avait commenc\u00e9, selon sa propre terminologie, \u00e0 les \u00e9radiquer. Gandhi lui-m\u00eame a dit qu\u2019il y a pire que la violence : la l\u00e2chet\u00e9. La strat\u00e9gie contre-insurrectionnelle du pouvoir qui cherchait la confrontation de m\u00eame que les d\u00e9rives qui entachent toute insurrection arm\u00e9e ont plong\u00e9 le pays dans les horreurs que l\u2019on sait. Aujourd\u2019hui il est clair que le pouvoir se nourrit de violence et ne peut se r\u00e9g\u00e9n\u00e9rer qu\u2019en la maintenant dans le cadre d\u2019un conflit arm\u00e9 de faible intensit\u00e9. Il faut donc le priver de son environnement pervers en s\u2019attachant \u00e0 le combattre par des m\u00e9thodes exclusivement non-violentes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Les droits de l\u2019homme, la libert\u00e9, la dignit\u00e9 et le suffrage universel ne doivent pas \u00eatre compromis dans notre pays et nous devons tous \u00e9viter de sombrer dans la servitude volontaire \u00e0 la tyrannie ou rester p\u00e9trifies dans la peur de lui faire face. Tergiverser sur ces principes conduit au chaos, car qui sacrifie la justice au nom de l\u2019ordre perd les deux. Il est utile de rappeler ce passage du pr\u00e9ambule de D\u00e9claration universelle des droits de l\u2019homme : \u00ab Consid\u00e9rant qu\u2019il est essentiel que les droits de l\u2019homme soient prot\u00e9g\u00e9s par un r\u00e9gime de droit pour que l\u2019homme ne soit pas contraint, en supr\u00eame recours, \u00e0 la r\u00e9volte contre la tyrannie et l\u2019oppression.\u00bb<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Notre pays ne connaitra la v\u00e9ritable souverainet\u00e9, la dignit\u00e9 et la prosp\u00e9rit\u00e9 que lorsqu\u2019\u00e9mergera une classe politique qui rompra avec le syst\u00e8me oligarchique de non-gouvernance qui s\u2019impose \u00e0 nous. Ce syst\u00e8me ne vit que par la ruse, le m\u00e9pris et l\u2019exclusion du citoyen, le non-droit et la corruption.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Le destin a voulu que tous les changements qu\u2019a connus l\u2019Alg\u00e9rie \u00e0 ce jour se fassent dans la douleur. Mais ceci n\u2019est pas une fatalit\u00e9 et je suis de ceux qui ont une ambition forte pour notre pays et qui font en sorte pour que le changement soit cette fois r\u00e9el et imp\u00e9rativement non-violent. \u00abLa seule chose qui permet au mal de triompher est l\u2019inaction des hommes de bien. \u00bb (Edmund Burke)<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gloire au tr\u00e8s Haut qui dit : \u00ab A c\u00f4t\u00e9 de la difficult\u00e9 est certes la facilit\u00e9. \u00bb (Saint Coran 94\/5)<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mourad Dhina
Prison de la Sant\u00e9, Paris
9 avril 2012<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Notes de renvoi:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n (1) Ferhat Abbas, L\u2019ind\u00e9pendance confisqu\u00e9e, 1962-1978<\/em>, Flammarion, Paris 1992. ***<\/p>\n\n\n\n My Parisian Spring<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n In the name of the All Merciful,<\/p>\n\n\n\n It\u2019s been three months since I am imprisoned at the Prison de la Sant\u00e9<\/em> in Paris pending extradition, following an arrest warrant issued by the Algerian government. At the hearing on 21 March 2012 before the investigating chamber of the Tribunal de Grande Instance<\/em> (district court) of Paris, it became clear, even according to the prosecutor\u2019s own admission, that the extradition request and the charges against me are legally inconsistent. The charges against me are not specific. Indeed, and as I said at the hearing, I still do not know what the alleged offences are, and when and where the Algerian regime alleges I committed them. These are essential elements to qualify a crime punishable by law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n I would also add that this demonstrates that the whole procedure is only a judicial cover for a political case. Nevertheless, the investigating chamber decided, on 4 April 2012, to grant a period of two months to the Algerian authorities to provide further information. This request seems to me an injunction like \u201cplease send a case that holds legally the road\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n I also realise \u2500 I said so at the hearing \u2500 that everything is done to keep me behind bars in Paris as long possible. This could even be the goal sought by those in Algiers who manage this extradition request.<\/p>\n\n\n\n France is widely recognised as a country where the rule of law prevails. However the context within which I am detained in Paris raises some questions. Indeed, I find myself in France in an atmosphere marked by:<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1. The commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the Evian agreements; The last two points, especially since they are embedded in conflations and manipulations that some French politicians described as nauseating, show indeed that there are many \u201cconnecting vessels\u201d between the various state powers, which are supposed to be independent in a democracy. This is all the more true when Algerian-French relations are involved. They remain to this day dominated every so often by collusion and \u201cbusiness interests\u201d, now and then by mistrust, infiltration and manipulation, and sometimes by vassalage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The way the anniversary of the 18 March 1962 Evian agreements was commemorated shows that both sides of the Mediterranean are still concealing, denying or plainly falsifying history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For me \u2500 I am part of a generation that, thank God, has known only an independent Algeria \u2500 this event reminds me of the similarities between the 1954-1962 war and that of the 1990s. Torture, forced disappearances, massacres, concentration camps, infiltrations and crimes perpetrated in counter-insurgency warfare, emergency legislation, \u201cpacification\u201d [counterinsurgency mollification], militias, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Those who usurped power in 1962 in Algeria imposed themselves by the force of arms against their own brothers in the struggle for independence; most of them had never fought the colonial army. In 1992, it is also by the force of arms that some Algerians trampled the ballot box. Ferhat Abbas spoke plainly of a \u201cconfiscated independence\u201d [1] and one should still question the extent to which the Algerian people have enjoyed \u2500 and may enjoy in the future \u2500 true freedom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n I recall these facts because there are some who advocate \u201cturning the page\u201d about the crisis of the 1990s and accepting the 2006 so-called charter for national reconciliation as a remedy to the horrors the nation experienced. The heartbreak, injustice and questioning over the period 1830-1962 still haunt us and continue to affect our daily lives as well as our internal and external security. How can we then forget 1992 when 1962 still shapes our present?<\/p>\n\n\n\n These are the historical, ethical and political underpinnings of my non-violent struggle for real change in my country and it is this fight that now disturbs the Algerian regime. It is also the cause of my ongoing detention in France. Losing one\u2019s liberty is never pleasant but it reminds me that thousands of my countrymen had to pay a much heavier price than me. We must never forget to honour the memory of all Algerians massacred, executed, tortured, forcibly disappeared or arbitrarily detained.<\/p>\n\n\n\n One can find many stories and testimonials about prisons. They often describe the difficult conditions, sometimes inhuman, in which prisoners live. Others speak of them as places of solitude and reflection, or even as schools. In my case, I have not been subjected to inhumane treatment, thank God, but everything here reminds one continuously that he is subjected to a strict deprivation of his liberty. Here it is difficult to find time for meditation, reflection or intellectual work. Promiscuity (four people in a 10 m2 cell) and the various procedures for the most mundane things (shower, meals, walks, visits, etc) confine the prisoner that I am within a constrained world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Some have said that I should have never come to France because my arrest was predictable given the particularities of Algerian-French relations. I would say two things about this. Firstly, the Algerian arrest warrant has been ignored by many countries because it was judicially inconsistent and plainly politically motivated. Secondly, I knew from a reliable source that the French courts had decided, following recent reminders by the Algerian regime, to arrest me. The decision I made was to yield nothing anymore of my freedom of lawful and transparent action, although this would make me run the risk of getting arrest in France.<\/p>\n\n\n\n I travelled by road to France three or four times in 2011. I never tried to hide myself and when I was arrested in January 2012 at Orly airport, I was travelling again openly. However, I must admit that I did not expect such pushiness by the French courts. I would not go as far as saying that they have violated the law, but I note that they use all means to extend my detention as long as possible. Despite this, I have no regrets and I think it was necessary to get to the bottom of the Algerian regime\u2019s judicial attack against me. This is a step in the political battle between me and the Algerian regime, and it is not surprising that it takes place in France. This step will demonstrate once again how the Algerian judicial system is misused by this regime which, like any dictatorship, has sought to persecute, eliminate and especially smear its opponents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n I have been repeatedly accused of \u201cterrorism\u201d by the Algerian secret services and their henchmen. I know that some people, who heard these accusations repeated ever so often, have ended up asking, in good faith, whether there is not some truth in them. This does not bother me because I believe that any public figure must accept being scrutinised and accountable for his actions and words.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In Algeria, the term \u201cterrorism\u201d has a political rather than a legal definition. The Algerian Penal Code in force, in particular Article 87bis, is enough to prove it. Before an Algerian court, any opponent can be convicted of terrorism under this article which can therefore be likened to a catch-all or a hodgepodge. The Algerian judicial system is controlled by the military, so it is my duty not to keep silent about this waywardness, as working for the rule of law is the cornerstone of my struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n I must also say, unequivocally, that I unreservedly condemn all acts of terrorism, in its legal definition, especially those aimed at attacking civilians, imposing a political order by force or threatening the democratic institutions of a country. Algeria has certainly suffered from such crimes on a large scale. I have repeatedly and forcefully called for these crimes to be investigated whereas the current regime wants to impose amnesia. History shows that such tragedies cannot be concealed forever. We had to wait until 1999 for France to recognize the 1954-1962 \u201cAlgerian War\u201d, while it had been presenting it earlier as a law-enforcement campaign, and had dealt with the Algerian guerrillas as cursed fellaghas, terrorists or barbarians. My father who fought for the independence of his country was a terrorist for the coloniser. Some will say it is too early to reopen the wounds of the Algerian crisis of the 1990s. I do not agree and I remain convinced that it is possible, with a real political change, to settle the dispute during this period fairly and without revenge. This is essential to enable Algeria to start afresh on a sound footing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Make no mistake: the crisis of the 1990s still haunts Algeria and is still shaping the nature of the regime in place. The outcome imposed by the regime, which includes, among other things, the so-called charter for national reconciliation, cannot be accepted either in its substance or form. I had the opportunity with others to explain why the charter must be rejected. [2] I should mention, incidentally, that I was invited by emissaries of the Algerian regime to \u201csettle my case\u201d by adhering to this charter in return for amnesty. I curtly refused the offer. It would have been improper for me to reject the charter in principle yet agree to \u201csettle my case\u201d. Being convicted by a court subservient to dictators honours me; I will never kneel before tyranny because I have chosen the path of legitimacy and love of my country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The cause of violence in Algeria is closely linked to the 1992 putsch and the repression that followed. Many were forced to take arms against a regime which had trampled their rights and had begun, in its own words, to eradicate them. Gandhi himself said that there is something worse than violence: cowardice. The regime\u2019s aggressive counterinsurgency strategy as well as the abuses that taint any armed uprising plunged the country into the horrors that we know. Today it is clear that the regime feeds on violence and it cannot carry on without keeping it up as part of a low-intensity armed conflict. One should therefore deprive this regime of its evil environment by fighting it using exclusively non-violent methods.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Human rights, freedom, dignity and universal suffrage should not be compromised in our country and we should not fall into voluntary servitude to tyranny or remain petrified with fear before it. Procrastination on these principles leads to chaos, because whoever forfeits justice in the name of order loses both. It is useful to recall this passage from the Preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: \u201c[\u2026] it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Our country will not experience genuine sovereignty, dignity and prosperity unless there emerges a political leadership that overthrows the oligarchic dictatorship imposed on us. This system maintains itself only by cunning, contempt and exclusion of the citizen, lawlessness and corruption.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It has been Algeria\u2019s fate that all changes to date have occurred painfully. But this is not inevitable and I am among those who have a strong ambition for our country and strive to make this change both real and absolutely nonviolent. \u201cAll that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing.\u201d (Edmund Burke)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Glory to The Most High who says: \u201cFor indeed, with hardship [will be]ease.\u201d (Holy Qur\u2019an 94:5)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mourad Dhina Footnotes:<\/p>\n\n\n\n [1] Ferhat Abbas, L\u2019ind\u00e9pendance confisqu\u00e9e, 1962-1978<\/em>, Flammarion, Paris 1992. Au nom du Tout Mis\u00e9ricordieux, Cela fait trois mois que je suis incarc\u00e9r\u00e9 \u00e0 la prison de la Sant\u00e9 \u00e0 Paris, sous \u00e9crou extraditionnel, suite \u00e0 un mandat d\u2019arr\u00eat \u00e9mis par le pouvoir alg\u00e9rien. Lors de l\u2019audience du 21 mars 2012 devant la Chambre d\u2019instruction du tribunal de grande instance de Paris, il est clairement apparu, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-235","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-unite-detudes"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/235","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=235"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/235\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=235"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=235"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rachad.org\/fr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=235"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
(2) Quelle r\u00e9conciliation pour l\u2019Alg\u00e9rie ?<\/em>, ouvrage collectif, Hoggar, Gen\u00e8ve 2005.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
2. the campaign for the French presidential elections;
3. the murders in Toulouse and their exploitation on the role of Islam in France.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Prison de la Sant\u00e9<\/em>, Paris
9 April 2012<\/p>\n\n\n\n
[2] Quelle r\u00e9conciliation pour l\u2019Alg\u00e9rie ?<\/em>, Ouvrage collectif, Hoggar, Gen\u00e8ve 2005.
<\/p>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"